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 6:00 pm 
Mondays 
@ Bergman Family Chiropractic 
  18582 Beach Blvd 
  Huntington Beach 
 Constitution Class Handout 
Instructor: Douglas V. Gibbs 
  
www.politicalpistachio.com 
www.douglasvgibbs.com 
www.constitutionassociation.com 
  
  
Lesson 04 
  
Legislative Prohibitions 
  
Prohibitions to the 
Federal Government, and the States 
  
  
–  Prohibitions to the Federal Government 
  
The 
Slave Trade and Immigration 
  
The 
common misconception is that Article I, Section 9, Clause 1 is obsolete.  The abolition of slavery in the United States 
made the clause obsolete, we are told.  
In reality, only a part of the clause is not longer in force.  The clause addressed the Atlantic slave 
trade, and the migration of people 
into the United States. Slavery was abolished by Amendment 13 so the part of 
Article I, Section 9, Clause 1 that addresses slavery is obsolete. But is the 
part about migration still in force? 
  
One 
could say that the “migration” portion of the clause is still in force because 
the 13th Amendment only addresses slavery. The standard belief among historians 
is that the entire clause is no longer in force. 
  
The 
ramifications of this clause may indeed reach into today’s issue regarding 
illegal immigration. 
  
Why 
would the Founding Fathers include a mention of migration in a clause that is 
essentially geared toward the abolition of the importation of slaves? 
  
The 
word “importation” in this clause applies wholly to slaves. 
  
The 
word, migration, then, would seem to apply wholly to non-slaves. 
  
The 
intention was that since the Constitution, as the contract that created our 
federal government, is a document that grants powers to the federal government, 
and that all authorities not expressly delegated, are reserved to the States, 
it was expected that immigration would remain as an issue that would be 
addressed by the States. 
  
Other 
national governments prohibited migration as they saw fit, so the Founding 
Fathers determined that the new United States Government must have that same 
authority. 
  
According 
to the clause, however, from the year 1808 Congress would possess the power to 
stop the importation of slaves, as well as the migration of people the Congress 
felt must be prohibited from entering this country as immigrants, through the 
Congress’ power of legislation. 
  
The 
Constitution was written specifically in regards to the federal 
government.  All powers originally 
belonged to the States.  Some of those 
authorities were granted to the federal government for the purpose of 
protecting and preserving the union.  
Therefore, all authorities regarding immigration originally belonged to 
the States, and before 1808 the States had sole authority regarding all 
immigration issues.   
  
In 
Article I, Section 9, the federal government was given the opportunity to 
regulate immigration, but not until 1808.  
The reason for delaying the power to prevent migration were, to be 
simply put, to give the States twenty years to attract as many people as 
possible without Congressional regulatory consideration. After all, at this 
time in history we had immense and almost immeasurable territory, peopled by 
not more than two and a half million inhabitants. Therefore, migration was 
encouraged, especially of the kind of people that would bring a benefit to the 
new nation. The immigration of able, skilful, and industrious Europeans was 
encouraged. 
  
Note 
that this clause gives the federal government the authority to prohibit certain 
persons from migrating into the United States, but it does not give the federal 
government the authority to dictate to the States which persons the States must 
admit inside their borders. 
  
Habeas 
Corpus 
  
Article 
I, Section 9, Clause 2 states that “The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus 
shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the 
public Safety may require it.” 
  
Habeas 
corpus is a legal term that means quite literally in Latin: “you may have 
the body.” In legal terms, Habeas corpus is a writ that releases a 
prisoner from unlawful detention. Habeas corpus comes from British common law, 
and has historically served as an important legal instrument safeguarding 
individual freedom against arbitrary state action that includes detention 
without the due process of law. 
  
A 
writ of habeas corpus is a summons with the force of a court order that demands 
a prisoner be taken before the court, and that the custodian present proof of 
authority, allowing the court to determine if the custodian has lawful 
authority to detain the person. If the custodian does not have authority to 
detain the prisoner, then the prisoner must be released from custody. 
  
Habeas 
corpus is designed to protect citizens against any detention that is forbidden 
by law. The U.S. Constitution specifically includes the habeas procedure, and 
instructs the Congress not to suspend such unless the detainment is the result 
of a “Rebellion or Invasion,” adding that “the public Safety may require it.” 
  
Normally, 
habeas corpus proceedings accompany questions of jurisdiction and authorities 
of the court that sentenced a defendant. The suspension of habeas corpus has 
recently become an issue regarding the detainment of terrorists, but one must 
ask if the public safety requires the suspension of habeas corpus in the case 
of terrorists, as prescribed in the Constitution. Secondly, one must consider 
that the Constitution applies to American citizens, so the question on whether 
or not Article I, Section 9, Clause 2 applies to captured combatants seems to 
be a moot point since it is obvious that the detained are not American 
Citizens, and therefore are not protected by Constitutional protections.  Also, remember that Congress has the sole 
authority to make rules regarding captures on land and water as per Article I, 
Section 8, Clause 11. 
  
Bills 
of Attainder 
  
A 
Bill of Attainder is when the legislature declares the guilt of a person or 
group of persons, and punishes them without due process (the benefit of a 
trial). 
  
In 
Britain, bills of attainder were used as a convenient way for the King to 
convict subjects of crimes and confiscate their property without the bother of 
a trial, and without the need for a conviction or indeed any evidence at all. 
Such actions were seen as tyrannical because often this power was used against 
political enemies, and the Founding Fathers did not wish to give the new 
federal government those same kinds of powers. Some states, prior to the 
Constitution, did use attainders against British loyalists, but the practice 
all but disappeared after the Constitution so specifically forbid the use of 
attainders by the U.S. Congress, and the States. 
  
Prohibiting 
the use of bills of attainder serves a number of purposes. One purpose is that 
by disallowing the bills of attainder the separation of powers is reinforced. 
By disallowing bills of attainder, it literally forbids the legislature from 
performing a judicial function. Another purpose is in regard to the protection 
of the concept of due process, which was later reinforced by the Fifth 
Amendment to the Constitution. 
  
The 
true danger of a bill of attainder is that such a legislative act inflicts 
punishment without a judicial trial, and takes away the life, liberty or 
property of the target. 
  
Ex 
Post Facto law 
  
Ex 
post facto Law is literally retroactive law, or a law that retroactively changes 
the legal consequences (or status) of actions committed or relationships that 
existed prior to the enactment of the law. Ex post facto law could criminalize 
actions that were legal when committed, or in the case of amnesty laws, 
decriminalize certain acts or alleviate possible punishments. Generally 
speaking, ex post facto laws are seen as a violation of the rule of law as it 
applies in a free and democratic society. Ex post facto laws are expressly 
forbidden by the United States Constitution. 
  
Direct 
Taxation 
  
The 
U.S. Constitution originally forbade direct taxation upon the people by the 
federal government.  Taxation of the 
people by the federal government could only be laid in relation to population.  When the idea for the income tax came to 
fruition, an amendment (16th) had to be passed to allow for the direct taxation 
of the people without dependence upon the enumeration of the population. 
  
Article 
I, Section 9, Clause 4 states that in addition to direct taxation, the federal 
government was forbidden from using Capitation.  
Capitation is a head tax.  A Poll 
Tax is a kind of head tax.  In the 
context of the period, any tax that singles out groups both directly and 
indirectly regardless of possession of lands or personal property is 
Capitation. Since Article I, Section 9 is a prohibitory section, the specific 
call by the Founding Fathers in that clause was that there shall be No 
Capitation, which included No Poll Tax. 
  
In 
early New England, in keeping with traditions from the homeland, capitation 
(caput, meaning head), or poll taxes, were common. These taxes were levied as a 
way to manipulate the people for the “good of the government.” 
  
Alexander 
Hamilton, though condemning capitation taxes in his Federalist Papers writings, 
was in favor of “head taxes” for emergency revenue reasons. He felt that since 
sources for revenue were so few, if the government needed to expand for any 
reason, the ability to lay head taxes, or direct taxation, needed to be an 
option. However, most of the Founding Fathers disagreed, not only because of 
their belief that taxation must be indirect and small, but also because of 
their opinion that the federal government must remain limited to the few 
authorities granted to it by the U.S. Constitution. 
  
Article 
I, Section 9, Clause 4 forbids Congress to lay a tax upon individuals except 
uniformly, and in proportion to the census provided for in Article I, Section 
2, Clause 3, where this subject is first brought up.  In other words, direct taxation was 
forbidden.  What the federal government 
did was tax the States, based on proportion to the census, or enumeration.  The States then taxed the people in order to 
pay the tax to the federal government.  
The method of taxation by the States was left up to each individual 
State.  The federal government, in this 
way, used indirect taxation to tax the people. 
  
As 
we have learned, the U.S. Constitution is not designed to necessarily tell the 
federal government what it can’t do as much as it is designed to tell the 
federal government what few authorities it has. But the Founders felt this to 
be so important that in addition to not giving direct taxation to the Federal 
Government as an authority, they felt they must also spell it out that the 
Federal Government cannot tax in this manner in any form. This clause restricts 
the Congress a lot more because it is prohibitive. Article 1, Section 8 
provides a list of “enumerated powers,” but knowing that politicians 
would bend and twist meanings to gain more power, Article 1, Section 9 was 
designed to spell out some very specific things the Congress is prohibited from 
doing (such as direct taxation and capitation taxes). 
  
Preference 
in Commerce 
  
Article 
I, Section 9, Clause 6 states that “No Preference shall be given by any 
Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of 
another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
clear, or pay Duties in another.” 
  
This 
proposal was placed before the Constitutional Convention by the delegates from 
Maryland, their fear being that congressional legislation might prefer 
Chesapeake Bay ports of Virginia to those of their State. Under the Articles of 
Confederation, each State was free to impose duties and make regulations to the 
disadvantage of others, and it was desired that equality in commerce be 
maintained in the future. This also gives us a clue to the intentions of the 
Commerce Clause in Article I, Section 8. The Founding Fathers did not wish to 
give the Federal Government control over commerce, only the ability to ensure 
that commerce was maintained in an equitable manner in regards to the several 
States. 
  
U.S. 
Treasury 
  
Article 
I, Section 9, Clause 7 reads: “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but 
in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and 
Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published 
from time to time.” 
  
This 
clause was inspired by the lessons learned in regards to merry old England. The 
Founding Fathers did not believe it should be in the power of the Executive 
alone, or of the legislature alone, to raise or spend the money at will. 
Article I, Section 7, Clause 1 requires that all bills for raising money must 
originate in the House of Representatives; but they must then pass the Senate 
and be signed by the President. In 1842 Congress began to make appropriations 
by joint resolution; but as that also must be approved by both 
Houses, and signed by the President, there is no real difference. Also, in the 
interest of transparency to the people, the records of all monetary 
transactions both of receipts and expenditures must be made available for 
public scrutiny. 
  
Divided 
Allegiance 
  
Article 
I, Section 9, Clause 8 reads: “No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the 
United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, 
shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, 
Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign 
State.” 
  
The 
Founding Fathers did not believe there should be any foreign influences in the 
affairs of our government. 
  
This 
provision was taken from a provision in the first section of Article VI of the 
Articles of Confederation. It permitted persons holding office under a State to 
accept, with the consent of Congress, the objectionable gifts or distinctions; 
but the constitutions of at least two of the States at that time forbade them 
altogether. This republic, being a nation born as a result of the tyranny of a 
monarchy, should not grant titles of nobility, that much was easily understood. 
Nobility betrayed the trust and honor of the people through the use of prestige 
and favoritism. This was the kind of government that did not protect the 
liberties of the people. 
  
Jefferson, 
as President, accepted from Alexander I of Russia a bust of that Emperor, which 
he said would be “one of the most valued ornaments of the retreat I am 
preparing for myself at my native home.” He said that he had laid it down 
as a law of his official conduct not to accept anything but books, pamphlets, 
or other things of minor value; but his “particular esteem” from the 
Emperor “places his image in my mind above the scope of the law.” 
However, without the consent of Congress, who was the final determining factor, 
he could not have accepted that gift. 
  
In 
1810 Congress proposed an amendment, the original Thirteenth amendment (some 
would call it the lost 13th Amendment because some records showed it was 
ratified, then suddenly disappeared – as explained below), to add a heavy 
penalty to this clause by this wording: 
  
“If 
any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive or retain any 
title of nobility or honor, or shall, without the consent of Congress, accept 
and retain any present, pension, office or emolument of any kind whatever, from 
any emperor, king, prince or foreign power, such person shall cease to be a 
citizen of the United States, and shall be incapable of holding office of trust 
or profit under them, or either of them.” 
  
The 
people were told that the proposed amendment lacked the necessary ratifying 
votes. Ongoing research has shown that the proposed amendment was indeed 
properly ratified, the State Department WAS notified, and the amendment was on 
the books and records of the various States until at least 1876. From 1810 to 
1812, twelve states ratified this amendment. The War of 1812 destroyed the 
library of Congress and these documents were thought destroyed, but in 1994 it 
was discovered they still exist after a chance discovery in Maine in 1983 made 
historians aware of the existence of the original 13th Amendment. 
  
Terms: 
  
Indirect 
Taxation: An indirect tax is contrasted with a direct tax 
which is collected directly by government from the people.  An indirect tax, for example, may increase 
the price of a good so that consumers are actually paying the tax by paying 
more for the products.  Another example 
of indirect taxation is for one entity to tax another entity, and then the 
second entity taxing the people to recoup the taxes it paid. 
  
Joint 
Resolution: A joint resolution is a legislative measure 
requiring approval by the Senate and the House and then is presented to the 
President for approval or disapproval.  
There is generally no legal difference between a joint resolution and a 
bill.  Laws enacted by virtue of a joint 
resolution are not distinguished from laws enacted by a bill. Constitutional 
amendments are passed by joint resolutions, which are instead presented to the 
States for ratification.  Resolutions are 
often temporary in nature. 
  
Questions 
for Discussion: 
  
1.  How was immigration regarded by the Founding 
Fathers? 
  
2.  Why is Habeas Corpus so important? 
  
3.  If the Founding Fathers disagreed with 
divided allegiance, what would they think of dual citizenship? 
  
Resources: 
  
Articles 
of Confederation, March 1, 1781; http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/artconf.asp 
 
  
Larry 
Schweikart and Michael Allen, A Patriot’s History of the United States; New 
York: Sentinel (2004). 
  
Madison’s 
Notes on the Constitutional Convention, Avalon Project, Yale University: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/subject_menus/debcont.asp 
  
The 
Original 13th Article of Amendment; American Patriot Friend’s Network: 
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/13th.htm 
Thomas J. DiLorenzo, Hamilton’s Curse; New York: Three Rivers Press (2008). 
  
–  Prohibitions to the States 
  
The 
articles in the U.S. Constitution all apply to the federal government unless 
otherwise noted.  Article I, Section 10, 
notes otherwise.  Each clause begins with 
the words “No State shall,” making Article I, Section 10 prohibitive to the 
States. 
  
Article 
I, Section 10, Clause 1 begins by disallowing the States to enter into any 
treaty, alliance, or Confederation.  The 
goal was to keep the union intact, have all dealings with foreign governments 
go through the federal government, and to ensure there was no divided loyalties 
among the States.  Treaties and alliances 
are external issues. 
  
The 
disallowance of the States entering into a confederation was the argument used 
against the Confederacy during the American Civil War.  President Lincoln considered the southern 
states seceding and joining into a confederation to be unlawful, partly due to 
this clause in the Constitution.  
However, by seceding, the States no longer fell under the jurisdiction 
of the Constitution, making the Confederacy a legal arrangement. 
  
No 
State could grant letters of Marque and Reprisal, or coin money.  These authorities were granted to the federal 
government in Article I, Section 8.  
States were not allowed to coin money so that they would not use 
currency as a means to gain an unfair advantage over each other in relation to 
interstate commerce. 
  
Article 
I, Section 10 prohibits the States from emitting bills of credit.  Bills of credit take two forms.  Bills of credit are receipts for currency, 
such as a treasury note, and bills of credit can be items of credit such as 
bonds.  What this means is that the States 
could not issue paper money, nor could States issue instruments of debt.  In other words, the States were not allowed 
to borrow money.  Today, all but two 
States of the union are in debt.  The 
State deficits are in violation of the U.S. Constitution. 
  
The 
States were also disallowed from passing bills of attainder, ex post facto law, 
or passing any law that would impair the obligation of contracts.  The States, as the federal government, could 
not issue any title of Nobility.  Ex post 
facto law has become a large concern in recent politics.  Ex post facto law is retroactive law.  By disallowing the passage of ex post facto 
law, the States (just like the federal government) cannot constitutionally pass 
laws retroactively.  A gun legal at the 
time of purchase cannot be made retroactively illegal.  Immigrants who entered the State illegally 
cannot be made retroactively legal.  A 
tax cannot be retroactively imposed, creating a sudden large balance of tax 
due. 
  
States 
are allowed to tax imports or exports, but only with the consent of 
Congress.  Because States are tasked with 
having their own inspection laws, any costs necessary for executing those 
inspection laws may be recouped through imposts or Duties without the consent 
of Congress. 
  
“The 
net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, 
shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States.”  In other words, the States cannot over tax 
imports and exports.  They are only to 
charge taxes necessary to cover their costs, such as “executing inspection 
laws.”  Any net produce, or what would be 
considered “profit” in the private sector, goes to the U.S. Treasury.  All of the States inspection laws, or other 
laws regarding imports and exports, are also subject to revision and control by 
the Congress. 
  
Having 
a military is also forbidden to the States in time of peace, except with the 
consent of Congress.  However, if a State 
is invaded, or the State feels they are in imminent danger, they are allowed to 
form a military.  Currently, 23 States 
have State Defense Forces, or “State Militias.”  
In recent years, State Defense Forces have proven vital to homeland 
security and emergency response efforts. 
  
  
  
Questions 
for Discussion: 
  
1.  What does the various prohibitions to the 
States have in common? 
  
2.  How do the prohibitions to the States relate 
to concepts like the Tenth Amendment? 
  
Resources: 
  
21st-Century 
Militia: State Defense Forces and Homeland Security, Heritage Foundation: http://www.heritage.org/Research/Reports/2010/10/The-21st-Century-Militia-State-Defense-Forces-and-Homeland-Security 
 
  
Madison’s 
Notes on the Constitutional Convention, Avalon Project, Yale University: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/subject_menus/debcont.asp 
  
UNITED 
STATES v. COMSTOCK (No. 08-1224), Clarence Thomas Dissenting Opinion (State 
Sovereignty): http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/08-1224.ZD.html 
(2010) 
  
  
Copyright: 
Douglas V. Gibbs, 2015 
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