Political Pistachio
By Douglas V. Gibbs
Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis is facing a series of accusation, investigation and potential disciplinary actions centered on her handling of the Georgia 2020 election-interference case against Donald J. Trump. It is important to recognize that there have been no criminal charges brought against her. However, a GOP-led committee of the Georgia State Senate is currently probing her conduct. The Georgia representatives that have questioned her are doing so over a list of allegations that could lead to further legal action.
Questions about a conflict of interest have arisen based on her romantic relationship with special prosecutor Nathan Wade, whom she hired for the Trump election-interference case. The situation led to a Georgia Court of Appeals to disqualify her from the Trump case in 2024. After an appeal, the Georgia State Supreme Court later upheld that disqualification in 2025. The committee’s questioning probing her conduct has included her hiring of Wade, her management of the Trump case, and whether her actions constituted ethical violations or misuse of taxpayer money. While the committee has no power to bring criminal charges, they can recommend legislative or administrative actions.
Willis testified for hours, defending her actions and calling the investigation politically motivated. The list of accusations against her includes a conflict of interest because of her relationship with prosecutor Nathan Wade, misuse of funds based on claims she benefited from Wade’s pay and travel, and professional misconduct claims and ethical violations.
The committee’s questioning about her handling of the Trump 2020 election-interference case is largely what has her screaming the investigation is politically motivated. The committee claims her handling of the case may have involved misconduct or political bias. There is also a suggestion that there was possible coordination with federal officials, but she denied any connection to the Biden administration.
When Fani Willis testified before the Georgia State Senate Investigative Committee, she chose to insert into her testimony accusations about racist threats, slurs, and harassment, which included references to the N-word being used in messages sent to her office. What she is trying to do is frame the broader environment she works in as being one that has led to her being targeted not just for her decisions, but because she’s a Black woman in a high profile role. The thing is, the hearing is about alleged misconduct, not about the threats she has received. Bringing up the harassment doesn’t address the core questions about hiring Nathan Wade, spending decisions, or potential conflicts of interests. I believe she’s trying to shift the focus, invoke sympathy, and frame the investigation as racially motivated rather than substantively motivated.
If successful, she could reframe the whole narrative from “Did you misuse your office?” to “Are you being unfairly targeted?” Doing such can rally her political base, especially in Atlanta and among Democratic voters. It moves her position from someone unfairly targeting Trump to someone under attack, which could be a powerful defensive posture in political hearings.
The thing is, none of that matters. All that matters is the committee’s purpose: to investigate alleged misconduct. While her rhetorical strategy of highlighting any hostile treatment she’s received may help at a certain level, in the end, this entire episode isn’t about race, or rhetoric, or who can deliver the most dramatic monologue in a hearing room. It’s about something far more basic: the integrity of public office. When a prosecutor is entrusted with the power to bring cases that can alter the course of elections and the lives of citizens, that power must be exercised with transparency, accountability, and an unwavering commitment to ethical conduct.
The Georgia Senate didn’t call Fani Willis to testify about the hateful messages she’s received and no decent person excuses that kind of behavior. They called her to answer for her own decisions, decisions that led to her disqualification from one of the most consequential cases in the country. And when the questions got uncomfortable, she reached for a narrative that had nothing to do with the allegations in front of her, and something that always works: claims of racism.
But accountability doesn’t bend to personal narratives. It doesn’t pause for political theater. And it doesn’t disappear because someone shifts the spotlight. At the end of the day, the rule of law demands answers, not deflection, not distraction, and not appeals to victimhood when the issue on the table is professional conduct and ultimately if her attacks against Trump were politically motivated in the first place.
Standards. Rule of Law. These are the things every public official should be held to. And that’s the standard the people of Georgia, and the country, deserve.
— Political Pistachio Conservative News and Commentary
By Douglas V. Gibbs
What happened at Brown University was not a tragedy. It was a catastrophic failure of leadership, security, and common sense. And the more we learn, the worse it looks.”
The Brown University campus, unfortunately, has been built more on “safe spaces” than true physical safety. Brown University is known nationally for its hard-left DEI‑heavy culture, its safe‑spaces, and its emotional‑protection ethos. But when it came to actual physical protection, the kind that stops bullets instead of microaggressions, the university fell dramatically short.
Brown is a gun‑free zone, a campus that prides itself on disarming everyone except the people who don’t follow rules. And yet, despite a multi‑billion‑dollar endowment, the school’s security infrastructure was shockingly inadequate.
Brown reportedly had 1,200 security cameras, but many were nonfunctional. Worse, there was a blind spot near the rear of the Barus & Holley engineering building, the very area where the shooter entered. According to federal investigators, the shooter (Claudio Manuel Neves Valente), a former Brown physics graduate student, knew the campus well and exploited those weaknesses.
And then there’s the leadership question.
Brown’s head of campus security previously worked at the University of Utah, where he reportedly left under pressure after failing to provide adequate credentials and facing performance concerns. At Brown, the campus police union was preparing a complaint accusing him of creating a hostile work environment.
Providence Police Chief Oscar Perez has also faced growing scrutiny, not only for his department’s handling of recent high‑profile investigations, but also for questions surrounding his own background and judgment. Public concern intensified after federal prosecutors revealed that his nephew, Jasdrual “Josh” Perez, was one of the most prolific fentanyl traffickers in New England, ultimately receiving a 22‑year federal sentence for running a multistate drug ring. While the chief is not implicated in the crimes, the family connection has raised eyebrows, especially as local media have reported broader questions about his qualifications and leadership style. Nobody seemed to be aware of all of this until we were deep into the wake of the Brown University shooting investigation, where the department’s early missteps and lack of clarity have fueled renewed debate over whether Providence’s top law‑enforcement leadership is truly up to the task.
Mayor Brett Smiley is a real piece of work, as well. In office since January of 2023, he has deep ties to the state’s Democratic political establishment having been a former lackey for Rhode Island’s Director of Administration under Governor Gina Raimondo, he is one of the few openly gay big-city mayors in the country, and recently he found himself at the center of controversy when the Providence City Council raised the Palestinian flag at City Hall during demonstrations. While his tenure has emphasized public safety and quality of life issues, the Brown shooting and his inability to show he knows much about anything during press conferences raises new questions about his crisis-management abilities.
Governor Dan McKee of Rhode Island, in office since 2021 after his predecessor joined President Biden’s cabinet as Secretary of Commerce after serving as lieutenant governor for six years, emphasizes community solidarity during crises; a theme he leaned heavily on in his public statements following the Brown University shooting. In the past his administration has faced criticism for bureaucratic sluggishness and uneven communication, and the Brown incident confirmed much of that as his leadership style fell under greater scrutiny during the investigation.
So when the shooting happened, the response was, predictably, chaotic.
The Providence mayor and police chief appeared overwhelmed and underinformed. Before federal agencies stepped in, Providence police arrested the wrong man, then had to release him, burning precious hours while the real killer remained loose on the streets.
Meanwhile, the actual suspect traveled north to Massachusetts, where he allegedly murdered MIT physics professor Nuno Loureiro, a man he had known from their shared academic background in Portugal.
From there, the suspect drove to New Hampshire, stopping at a storage unit he had rented. That’s where he ultimately died by suicide, according to investigators.
Federal officials later confirmed that the major break in the case came only after the FBI and ATF took over the investigation, and a homeless man, and Brown University graduate living on or around campus, provided much needed information.
Had the suspect continued deeper into rural New England, he might have vanished into the woods for weeks or months.
One of the Brown students killed was the vice president of the campus Republican Club, Ella Cook. In the early hours of the investigation, some wondered whether the attack was politically motivated due to her identity, and given the ideological climate on campus.
But as more information emerged, the evidence pointed away from political targeting. Federal investigators have stated that no motive has yet been identified, and no ideological writings or communications have been found.
Still, the questions weren’t unreasonable at the time. And the lack of transparency from local officials only fueled speculation.
What does appear relevant is the shooter’s academic world.
Valente studied physics at Brown in the early 2000s before withdrawing in 2003. He also attended the same university in Portugal as the MIT professor he later allegedly killed. The Brown shooting occurred inside the engineering building, during a study session. The MIT victim was a physics professor. In short, these are not random locations or random people. They are all tied directly to the suspect’s academic past.
Was he angry at the institutions?
At specific professors?
At perceived failures in his academic career?
Federal investigators say the motive remains unclear, but the academic connection is undeniable.
So what do we take from all this? A gun‑free campus with broken cameras. A security chief with a questionable record. Local authorities who arrested the wrong man. And a killer who slipped through the cracks until federal agents stepped in.
Brown University promised emotional safety, but failed to provide physical safety. And while the political angle appears unlikely, the academic connection raises serious questions about how universities handle troubled former students, security vulnerabilities, and warning signs.
The investigation continues.
The questions remain.
And the failures, at every level, are impossible to ignore.
— Political Pistachio Conservative News and Commentary
By Douglas V. Gibbs
Good guys see guns as a tool, and bad guys see guns as a weapon. Good guys use guns for hunting, protection, and as a defense against tyranny. Bad guys use guns for attacking other people, aggression, and to commit crime. So, knowing that, why would any government system seek to take away guns from good guys, and ignore the fact that regardless of laws the bad guys will always find a way to obtain firearms?
In 1996, Australia tightened down their gun control laws, making owning a firearm very difficult, though not impossible. Shootings in the United States occur primarily at gun-free zones and locations with the strictest gun laws. Yet, when we have shootings in the U.S., and in light of the attack on a Jewish celebration of Hanukkah in Australia, the response has been that the laws don’t go far enough. In Britain, when they cracked down with highly restrictive gun control laws, like their leftist colleagues in Australia and the U.S., they claimed they worked just fine until there is a shooting, then claim they didn’t go far enough.
For decades, Democrats have held up Australia as the shining example, the gold standard in a manner of speaking, of the model America should follow on gun control. But after the Bondi Beach terror attack, the narrative they built is collapsing under its own weight.”
For years, prominent Democrats, including Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and Joe Biden, have praised Australia’s 1996 mandatory gun buyback and confiscation program as the ideal blueprint for America.
And right on cue, after the Bondi Beach massacre, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese doubled down, calling the 1996 reforms a “proud moment of reform” and insisting they reduced firearm homicides and suicides.
But here’s the problem: The data doesn’t match the mythology.
Firearm homicides and suicides in Australia had already been declining for 15 years before the 1996 law. The downward trend was long‑established, and after the law passed, the rate of decline actually slowed, not accelerated.
Australia confiscated nearly 650,000–1,000,000 firearms, depending on the estimate. Yet today, private gun ownership has increased, rising to roughly 4 million firearms, nearly 30% higher than before the reforms.
Gun ownership grew three times faster than the population.
So the promised patterns, the dramatic drops, the permanent safety, simply never materialized.
Meanwhile:
• Non‑firearm homicides and suicides rose by roughly 20%.
• Armed robbery spiked immediately after the buyback before eventually declining.
The story is far more complicated than the political slogans.
Australia bans virtually every firearm Democrats call an “assault weapon.”
They have licensing, registration, mandatory storage laws, and some of the toughest restrictions in the world.
And yet, at Bondi Beach, a father‑and‑son Islamic terror team opened fire on a Jewish Hanukkah celebration, killing 15 people and injuring more than 40 people.
This was one of the deadliest mass shootings in Australia in nearly 30 years.
And what was the political response?
Not a moment of reflection.
Not a reconsideration of whether disarming the public creates soft targets.
Instead: “We need even stricter gun laws.”
Albanese and his legislature immediately proposed new limits on how many guns a person can own and a national review of all licenses.
The same policies that failed are now being doubled down on.
Australia isn’t alone.
Many European nations have gun laws even stricter than Australia’s, yet their mass‑shooting rates are comparable to or higher than those in the United States.
The idea that gun control alone prevents mass violence simply isn’t supported by global data.
From 2014 to 2024, using the FBI’s own definition of “active shooter,” armed civilians stopped 199 of 652 incidents — 35.4%.
In places where carry is allowed, that number jumps to 52.5%.
Police stopped 29.7%.
The numbers are clear: Armed civilians stop more attacks than police do. And that makes sense. They’re already on the scene.
Guns are tools. Criminals will always find them. Disarming the innocent doesn’t stop evil, it empowers it. Would restricting the licenses of sober drivers to stop drunk driving make sense?
Australia’s tragedy at Bondi Beach wasn’t a failure of gun ownership. It was a failure of the belief that laws against legal gun owners can stop determined killers. If Australia truly wants to prevent future attacks, the answer isn’t more restrictions on the law‑abiding. It’s allowing citizens the right, and the ability, to defend themselves. And then, working on the culture. Only a virtuous people are capable of freedom, as Benjamin Franklin so wisely told us.
— Political Pistachio Conservative News and Commentary
By Douglas V. Gibbs
JBS Foods, the leading producer of beef in the United States, is closing their Riverside processing plant in Southern California, located about fifty-five miles east of Los Angeles. The plant’s closure on February 2, 2026 will affect 374 employees, and place pressure on a beef market that has already been struggling with high prices. The plant is not a slaughterhouse, but a packaging plant that prepares beef for grocery stores. The operations of the plant that is closing will be distributed and consolidated at other facilities in the United States, so countrywide it will have a minimal impact of beef prices.
Beef prices in California, however, are destined to rise higher as the rest of the country enjoys a reduction in price. The closure is likely to push prices higher in the Golden State due to regional supply chain issues. California relies heavily on local case-ready facilities like the one closing in Riverside, meaning that beef will now need to be shipped from farther away, increasing transportation and logistics costs. California’s strict labor, environmental, and trucking regulations amplify the cost of moving perishable goods.
Unlike other parts of the country, California does not have a dense cluster of beef plants, and the Riverside closure reduces local processing capacity, creating a regional supply pinch. However, California has among the largest populations in the U.S. with a strong demand for beef. Even modest supply disruptions can translate to noticeable price hikes at the grocery store. Because California is geographically distant from the Midwest cattle heartland, it is more exposed to regional shocks in processing and distribution. If the trend of facilities attached to the beef industry closing continues in California it would force a condition of sustained higher beef prices in the State as opposed to the dropping national average.
Operating in California is notoriously expensive due to labor, regulatory, and logistics costs. JBS is consolidating away from high-cost regions like California to improve efficiency, especially considering the tension regarding beef prices in recent years. While there has been concerns about cattle availability since that number of domestic cattle is lower than it has been nationally in many decades, the closure of the Riverside plant is not about how many cattle are available for production and is more about streamlining distribution and cutting costs. Tyson recently closed a Nebraska beef plant and scaled back operations in Texas, which suggests that JBS’s move is a part of a broader industry trend of consolidating facilities to cope with high costs and tighter supplies.
Various factors have beef prices nationally slowly coming down during the next year, but California, with fewer local processing facilities, will likely see higher beef prices. As the meatpacking landscape faces reshaping in the current environment, choosing to take advantage of the falling cost of doing business in places like The South is becoming increasingly popular. As long as places like California continue to practice high regulations, push high fees and taxes, push restrictive environmental regulations, and create governmental obstacles to doing business in those regions, the natural consequence will be higher prices, a reduced supply availability, and an exodus of businesses to places that are more affordable.
— Political Pistachio Conservative News and Commentary
By Douglas V. Gibbs
The current administration has taken decisive steps to dismantle President Biden’s unconstitutional and misguided policy of student loan forgiveness. While a college education can be a wonderful pursuit, it is not as essential as a high school education, nor should it be treated as a universal requirement. The progressive push to funnel every young American into a four-year degree has produced disastrous results. Much like currency, bachelor’s degrees lose their value when they are overproduced. What was once a mark of distinction has become diluted, leaving graduates with diminished prospects and a mountain of debt.
The consequences of this policy experiment are plain to see. The job market can only absorb so many degree-holders, yet millions of graduates are competing for a limited pool of positions, burdened with loans they may never repay. At the same time, the nation faces a severe shortage of skilled blue-collar workers; men and women trained in trades who often earn more than their college-educated peers and do so without the crushing weight of student debt. The imbalance reveals a painful truth: the government’s obsession with college-for-all has left America weaker, not stronger.
We know why the Democrats insist on pushing a college degree, and hammer you as uneducated if you don’t give in. It has little to do with genuine education and everything to do with indoctrination. By saddling young Americans with crushing debt tied to degrees that often hold little practical value, they destroy ambition and erode independence. The result is a generation conditioned to look to government for relief, trained to believe that the same politicians who created their misery are the ones who can rescue them. It is not about opportunity—it is about control.
The Trump administration recognizes the truth about the whole college indoctrination machine, and how the Biden administration established a federal student loan repayment plan known as SAVE pushing for sweeping debt relief. The U.S. Department of Education announced a proposed settlement with Missouri and six other Republican-led states that had sued to block the program. The agreement, which still requires approval from the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Missouri, would effectively end SAVE.
The states rightly argued that the Biden administration exceeded its constitutional authority when it created the program in 2023. SAVE offered millions of borrowers lower monthly payments and an accelerated path to debt erasure, but it was an unconstitutional expansion of not only executive power, but of any federal power. The settlement marks a significant step in rolling back Biden’s student loan agenda, underscoring the new administration’s commitment to restoring fiscal restraint and the rule of law.
Under the proposed Dec. 9 settlement, the Education Department would stop enrolling any new borrowers into SAVE, reject all pending SAVE applications, and move all current SAVE borrowers into legally authorized repayment plans.
If the court approves the terms of the settlement, roughly seven million borrowers will be given a limited window to choose a different repayment plan and resume payments. This marks a dramatic shift away from the Biden-era promise of sweeping loan forgiveness, replacing it with a return to fiscal responsibility and personal accountability.
The Department of Education itself hailed the settlement, declaring it a “definitive end” to the Biden administration’s student loan relief agenda. In other words, the experiment in mass debt cancellation is over. What remains is a clear signal that the federal government will no longer serve as a perpetual bailout machine for failed progressive policies, but instead will restore balance to a system that has long been tilted against taxpayers and working-class Americans.
— Political Pistachio Conservative News and Commentary
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| Last Saturday Night was an episode of Mr. Constitution Hour by Douglas V. Gibbs Did you miss Saturday Night’s episode? Mr. Constitution: Religious Freedom, Laissez Faire, Agency Independency, CBS Upheaval and Minnesota’s Somali Fraud. Here’s the podcast… https://omny.fm/shows/douglas-v-gibbs/religious-freedom-laissez-faire-agencies-and-somali-fraud-12-13-25 |
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